Monday, January 27, 2020

Effect of Social Media on Political Participation

Effect of Social Media on Political Participation Has social media led to substantial changes in citizens’ repertoires of political participation? In the past few decades, an upsurge in the use of social networking sites (SNS) has been witnessed (Bode et al., 2014). Ever since the emergence of social media, the deliberation of how and to what extent they altered the way people engaged in politics has been ardently discussed. To understand this question, one should first examine it in two directions, the definition of social media and political participation, before moving on to the discussion of whether or not there are changes over time. Undoubtedly, any authority would be ill-advised to underestimate the power of the internet. If using the internet and sending text messages can modify the foreground of a nation and overturn ingrained authoritarianisms; if they have the ability to change the fortune of an unknown man into an overnight star; if they have magic for fixing the ‘illness’ of the society by pressuring governments, is it possible for anyone to resist using these types of media to achieve their goals? It is an undeniable fact that the current society is a world where all kinds of social media are almost inevitable. Since the launch of social media over 10 years ago, one can fairly address that there have been some enormous changes in people’s everyday lives. According to Jeroen Van Laer and Peter Van Aelst, â€Å"A notable feature of recent public engagements with the internet is its use by a wide range of activists and groups engaging in social and political protest† (Aelst et al., 2010). Tufekci and Wilson (2012) provided an example of this statement. They noted that, â€Å"Since the ‘‘Arab Spring’’ burst forth in uprisings in Tunisia and in Egypt in early 2011, scholars have sought to understand how the Internet and social media contribute to political change in authoritarian regimes† (Tufekci et al, 2012). The two mentioned assertions of each scholar have shed some light on the influence of the internet. This essay will deal with the following aspects of the question of whether or not social media reforms the means of civic participation in politics, a) what is political participation; b) what is the role of social media in the sense of taking part in the policy-making procedure. Finally, the essay will be concluded by the outcome of the discussion in question. To begin with, the definition that was given by Boyle and other scholars in ‘Expressive responses to news stories about extremist groups: A framing experiment’, they proposed that the term ‘‘expressive action’’ included talking to friends and family about politics, sending letters to the editor, contacting public officials and attending rallies (Boyle et al., 2006). However, as Rojas, H. and Puigà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ià ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ Abril, E mentioned in their journal (2009), â€Å"Verba et al. (1995) narrowly define political participation as ‘an activity that has the intent or effect of influencing government action–either directly by affecting the making or implementation of public policy or indirectly by influencing the selection of people who make those policies’ (Rojas et al., 2009). Either way, one thing is clear, political participation is a set of activities to affect who decides or decision itself in any possible way. In ‘Mobilizers mobilized: Information, expression, mobilization and participation in the digital age’, a number of hypotheses were suggested by Rojas, H., and Puig-Abril. These hypotheses embodied a model explaining the cycle of the interactions between Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) as Figure 1 they proposed below. As the result of their study, assumptions of informational uses of ICT resulting expending expressive behaviours in the online sphere are sturdily supported. Furthermore, the relative significance of blogs as a source of information that accelerates such expressive behaviours is also suggested in this study. Nevertheless, one interesting result was noted that there is no support for a direct relationship between online expressive behaviours and offline participatory behaviours. This implies that online political activists may not be as enthusiastic as they are online when it comes to taking part in the policy-making procedure offline (Rojas et al., 2009). Political participation on social media is referred to as ‘political SNS use’ by Bode (2014). The definition of ‘political SNS use’ is using SNS for political intentions, for example, displaying a political preference on one’s profile page or becoming a ‘fan’ of a politician (Bode et al, 2014). However, another argument suggested that while one is studying ‘political SNS use’, the disadvantages that it presented should not be overlooked. One example of this is addressed in one of Clair Cain Miller’s articles of The New York Times. Miller stated that due to the convenience that the internet provides, it is useful for promoting events, such as the Arab Spring to the Ice Bucket Challenge. However, people might be reluctant to express themselves because of the urge for obtaining recognition (Miller, 2014). With the exact reason, people tend to interpret the various signals in social media, as liked or hated. As these signa ls become clearer, the reluctance of people to express their views online increases; hence, the differentiation between the different positions will turn into a more serious situation and those who share the same or similar points of view will be even more unified (Miller, 2014). Citing from Bode’s journal, â€Å"although social networking sites were not originally conceived of as political tools, politicians have quickly adapted to use them as such (Bode et al, 2014). The internet has given civil society new tools to support their claims. In the recent years catchphrases, such as, ‘‘Twitter Revolution’’ or ‘‘Facebook Revolution’’ have been high-lighted (Tufekci et al, 2012). However, one should keep in mind that social media alone did not cause the revolutions and demonstrations (Joseph, 2012). In the case study of the Arab Spring, it was the urgent need of four things; namely, justice(Adala), freedom (Hurriya), dignity (Karama), and respect (Ihtiram) which pushed the citizens participating in those protests, and social media merely played the role of supporting the combustion by providing the platform for exchanging and spreading the information. Due to the falling costs and expanding capabilities of mobile phones, the traditional communications have been enriched with capacities of taking pictures and videos. Within the past decade, communities in which it had long been difficult to access information were converted into massive social experiments fuelled by an explosion in channels of information (Aelst et al., 2010). The evolution of new communication technologies brought new forms of political communications. In Jeroen Van Laer and Peter Van Aelst’s journal, they categorised 4 new forms of political communication; namely, a) Internet-supported action with low thresholds. In this category, donation of money, consumer behaviours, and legal protests and demonstrations are involved. It is believed that donating money is the most primary way to engage in a social movement that involves almost no risks or commitments (Aelst et al., 2010). b) Internet-supported action with high threshold, which means transnational demonstrations, transnational meetings, and Sit-in / occupations and more radical forms of protest. One case study of this section is the Harvard Progressive Student Labour Movement at Harvard College. The incident was for demanding higher living wages for the institution’s security guards, janitors and dining-room workers. This movement was initiated with the occupation of several university administrative offices in 2001. Eventually, the ‘real-life ’sit-in at Harvard College was accompanied with a ‘virtual sit-in’ in order to increase media attention and to broaden the pressure on administration officials (Constanza-Chock 2003;Biddix Park 2008). c) Internet-based action with low threshold. This includes actions that are solely performed online: online petitions, email bombs and virtual sit-ins. Any Face book user can generate a group to protest or support a specific cause and invite other members to ‘sign’ this cause by taking part in this group. d) Internet-based action with high threshold. This involves Protest websites, Alternative media sites, Culture jamming, and Hacktivism. The definition of culture jamming was coined by Stolle and other researchers, â€Å"changes the meaning of corporate advertising through artistic techniques that alter corporate logos visually and by giving marketing slogans new meaning (Stolle et al., 2005). These ‘attacks’ are all blurring the line between what is legal and what is not. These tactics are then labelled as ‘electronic civil disobedience’, ‘hacktivism’ or as ‘cyber terrorism’, and depends on the point of view (Denning 2001; Vegh 2003). Using and managing social media as a participatory tool is not the same thing. The real challenge is how to utilize social media to properly take part in the decision-making process. It is indeed that the world needs diverse voices and with the help of social media, everyone is granted the power to ‘have a say.’ Social media did not merely become a tool in hands for those who actively want to have a say, they also bind the communities which were not asked to take actions previously. However, one should bear in mind that ‘saying what’ is the most crucial part of participating in politics. The results from Bode’s study are compelling,†-political SNS use is not a dead-end, but instead provides an impetus for greater political participation (Bode et al, 2014). Perhaps it is worth acknowledging here that social media have indeed changed the citizens’ repertoires of political participation. The evidence is compelling, although there are some op posed arguments. The development of ‘political SNS use’ is promising and is a study worthy for future research. Bibliography Biddix, J. P. Park, H. W. (2008) ‘Online networks of student protest: the case of the living wage campaign’, New Media Society, vol. 10, no. 6, pp. 871–891. Bode, L., Vraga, E. K., Borah, P., Shah, D. V. (2014). A New Space for Political Behavior: Political Social Networking and its Democratic Consequences.Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 19(3), 414-429. doi: 10.1111/jcc4.12048 Boyle, M. P., Schmierbach, M., Armstrong, C. L., Cho, J., McCluskey, M. R., McLeod, D. M., et al. (2006). Expressive responses to news stories about extremist groups: A framing experiment. Journal of Communication, 56, 271–288. Constanza-Chock, S. (2003) ‘Mapping the repertoire of electronic contention’, in Representing Resistance: Media, Civil Disobedience and the Global Justice Movement, eds A. Opel Pompper D. Praeger, London, pp. 173–191. Denning, D. E. (2001) ‘Activism, hacktivism, and cyberterrorism: the internet as a tool for influencing foreign policy’, in Networks and Netwars: The Future of Terror, Crime, and Militancy, eds J. Arquilla D. Ronfeldt, RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, CA, pp. 239–288. Joseph, S. 2012. ‘Social Media, Political Change and Human Right’, Boston College International Comparative Law Review. Laer, J. V. Aelst, P. V., (2009) INTERNET AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTACTION REPERTOIRES.Information, Communication Society,13(8). Available at:> [Accessed: February 19, 2015]. Miller, C. C., 2014. How Social Media Silences Debate.The New York Times, [Online]. 0, 0. Available at: Rojas, H., Puigà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ià ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ Abril, E. (2009).Mobilizers mobilized: Information, expression, mobilization and participation in the digital age.Journal of Computerà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ Mediated Communication, 14(4), 902-927. doi: 10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01475.x Stolle, D., Hooghe, M. Micheletti, M. (2005) ‘Politics in the supermarket: political consumerism as a form of political participation’, International PoliticalScience Review, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 245–269. Tufekci, Z. Wilson, C., 2012. Social Media and the Decision to Participate in Political Protest: Observations From Tahrir Square. Journal of Communication. Available at:> [Accessed: February 19, 2015]. Vegh, S. (2003) ‘Classifying forms of online activism: the case of cyberprotests against the World Bank’, in Cyberactivism. Online Activism in Theory and Practice, eds M. McCaughey M. D. Ayers, Routledge, New York, London, pp. 71–95. Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L., Brady, H. E. (1995). Voice and equality: Civic volunteerism in American politics. Cambridge: Harvard University Press

Sunday, January 19, 2020

japan :: essays research papers

In the year 710, the first permanent Japanese capital was established in Nara, a city modelled after the Chinese capital. Large Buddhist monasteries were built in the new capital. The monasteries quickly gained such strong political influence that, in order to protect the position of the emperor and central government, the capital was moved to Nagaoka in 784, and finally to Heian (Kyoto) in 794 where it should remain for over one thousand years. One characteristic of the Nara and Heian periods is a gradual decline of Chinese influence, which, nevertheless, remained strong. Many of the imported ideas were gradually "Japanized". In order to meet particular Japanese needs, several governmental offices were established in addition to the government system, which was copied after the Chinese model, for example. In the arts too, native Japanese movements became increasingly popular. The development of the Kana syllables made the creation of actual Japanese literature possible. Several new Buddhist sects that were imported from China during the Heian period, were also "Japanized". Among the worst failures of the Taika reforms were the land and taxation reforms: High taxes resulted in the impoverishment of many farmers who then had to sell their properties and became tenants of larger landowners. Furthermore, many aristocrats and the Buddhist monasteries succeeded in achieving tax immunity. As a result, the state income decreased, and over the centuries, the political power steadily shifted from the central government to the large independent landowners. The Fujiwara family controlled the political scene of the Heian period over several centuries through strategic intermarriages with the imperial family and by occupying all the important political offices in Kyoto and the major provinces. The power of the clan reached its peak with Fujiwara Michinaga in the year 1016. After Michinaga, however, the ability of the Fujiwara leaders began to decline, and public order could not be maintained. Many landowners hired samurai for the protection of their properties. That is how the military class became more and more influential, especially in Eastern Japan. The Fujiwara supremacy came to an end in 1068 when the new emperor Go-Sanjo was determined to rule the country by himself, and the Fujiwara failed to control him. In the year 1086 Go-Sanjo abdicated but continued to rule from behind the political stage. This new form of government was called Insei government. Insei emperors exerted political power from 1086 until 1156 when Taira Kiyomori became the new leader of Japan.

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Explain the process by which democracy was accepted as a valid form of government Essay

Democracy denotes to a government by the people. The name comes from the Greek and means â€Å"rule by the people. † Democracy is government by the majority of the people, or majority rule. It differs from monarchy (â€Å"rule by one†), aristocracy (â€Å"rule by the best, or nobles†), and oligarchy (â€Å"rule by a few†). Democracy has three different related meanings: (1) a form of government in which those who control the government are elected by the people and are responsible, or answerable, for their actions to the people; (2) a form of society in which there is no privileged class and in which individuals may rise by ability to positions of power and influence; and (3) an ideal or way of life that stresses equality, liberty, individual rights, tolerance, freedom of discussion, and compromise. Most democracies are republics, in which the people elect the head of the state. A monarchy with a hereditary king or queen may also be democratic. In Great Britain, for example, is a democracy in the form of a limited monarchy. Some countries that call themselves republics are not democracies. A country with a republican constitution may be a dictatorship in which government is under the complete control of one person. On the other hand, republic is a country in which both the head of the state and the members of the legislature are elected directly or indirectly by the people. Most of the nations of the world today, including the United States and the Soviet Union, are republics. The rest, in most instances, are monarchies, in which the head of the state (a king, queen, or prince) comes into office through inheritance. The term republic and government are sometimes confused. Republic means a constitutional form of government under which the head of the state is elected, either by direct popular vote or indirectly through elected representatives. In addition, social contract denotes to human race originally lived in a â€Å"state of nature,† in which people enjoyed complete freedom, with no laws and no government. Without constraints on their activities, however, people were constantly fighting among themselves, and the safety of each individual was endangered. To ensure their survival, people eventually made an agreement called a social contract, to establish a system a law and order. On the other hand, balance of power is relatively equal distribution of economic and military strength among rival countries or groups countries. For 400 years, the countries of Europe devoted much of their diplomatic and military effort to creating or maintaining such a balance. Their object was to prevent any single nation or group of nations from becoming powerful enough to dominate the continent. The idea of maintaining power equilibrium became an important influence in European politics in the 16th century. An outstanding example of balance-of-power politics occurred in the Thirty Years’ War (1618-48). Furthermore, Republican Party is one of the two major political parties in the United States. Since the time of the Taft administration (1909-13) it has generally been regarded as more conservative than the other major party, the Democratic. However, this difference between the two parties has not always been sharp, as the Republican Party initiated or supported progressive legislation. Also, the Republican Party, like the Democratic, has both liberal and conservative factions. Nonetheless, the Republican Party is generally associated with the interests of business, the wealthy and propertied, and those opposed to the ideas of the welfare state and a â€Å"big government. †

Friday, January 3, 2020

Psychology in Catch-22 Essay - 3604 Words

Psychology in Catch-22 Catch-22 is a black comedy novel about death, about what people do when faced with the daily likelihood of annihilation. For the most part what they do is try to survive in any way they can. The book begins, The island of Pianosa lies in the Mediterranean Sea eight miles south of Elba. That is the geographical location of the action. Much of the emotional plot of the book turns on the question of whos crazy, and I suggest that it is illuminating to look at its world in Kleinian terms. The location of the story in the inner world is the claustrum - a space inside the psychic anus, at the bottom of the psychic digestive tract, where everyone lives perpetually in projective identification, and the only†¦show more content†¦The intensity and complexity of the nurses anxieties are to be attributed primarily to the peculiar capacity of the objective features of her work situation to stimulate afresh these early situations and their accompanying emotions (Lyth, 1959, pp. 46-7). There are such nurses in the perverse world of Catch 22. They tend the Man in White, in plaster from head to toe, arms and legs encased and extended. Those whose job it is to tend him routinely take the bottle of plasma going in and the bottle of urine going out and change them round: there is no difference between nourishment and waste, introjection and projection; fair is foul and foul is fair. Bion describes the church and the army as exemplary organisations for embodying the pathology of group relations. Pianosa is an Army Air Corps base, run by mad, ambitious officers, reeking of arrogance and sycophancy, for whom success and failure are the only measures of worth (p. 262) and survival is always at risk. Their survival in career terms is maintained at the expense of the literal survival of the officers and enlisted men who lie below them in the military hierarchy. 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